News

Yes to Life, No to Mining


“Yes” to Life, “No” to Mining

Wednesday, February 29, 2012 / 10:09 am

By, Carlos Chita, Diario Co Latino Editorials

Translated by Jan Morrill 


That Congress puts the Executive Branch’s political will to the test, by passing a Law that would definitively ban mining exploration and exploitation in El Salvador, is the demand being made by the National Roundtable against Metallic Mining (Mesa in Spanish) towards the different legislative political parties. 

The beginning of the last stage of negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement between El Salvador and Canada has put those who defend natural resources in our country in a state of alert, because they consider the agreement to be in favor of mining, based on the fact that, currently, trade between the two countries is no more than $16 million a year, which does not represent a necessary market for either country. 

They remind people that 30% of the world mining industry is from Canada and that this agreement, of which 85% has already been negotiated in complete secrecy, is an opportunity for transnational Canadian companies to take precious metals from our subsoil.

Mining exploration began in El Salvador in 1880, and was carried out in the northeastern part of the country for almost 100 years, even though at its highest it only represented 16% of all exportations (1913) and it was never a significant contribution to development.  However, the environmental damages produced by are the process still being felt, the most emblematic case being the San Sebastian River in Santa Rosa de Lima.

The new gold fever began in 1995, with the enactment of the current Mining Law, which to date has taken five lives and forced a journalist from Radio Victoria into exile, as well as caused the downfall of the inhabitants of the area Pacific Rim has decided to explore.

The National Roundtable against Metallic Mining insists that the issue of metallic mining needs solutions and urgent response from decision makers in government positions, political parties and, finally, the Legislative Assembly; and that approval of a law that would ban metallic mining is urgent and strategic in the short term.

The original text in Spanish here. 

The San Sebastian River

Crime in Cabañas

The Crime in Cabañas

Originally Published in the print newspaper Voces

February 22, 2010

Translated by Jan Morrill

Between August and December 2009 at least five people were assassinated in events related, in one way or another, with mineral mining extraction in the department of Cabañas.  Journalist and police reports present the facts as possible disputes between neighboring families.  However, in some cases, heavy arms and military ambushes were used.  Up until now almost all these crimes remain unpunished and there is only one suspect detained.

Mountain paths, with many treacherous turns.  A cloud of dust surrounds the entire terrain, which winds steeply uphill.  The school tells the name of the place: “Educational Center of the Cantón of La Trinidad”, Sensuntepeque a department of Cabañas.  From the heights, the majestic and serene Lempa River can been seen.

The people’s friendly greetings from their homes make one think of a peaceful community, “and that’s how the place was.  

It was a very calm community, we didn’t have a single problem with the neighbors, we all got along well,” commented María, a member of the community of Trinidad.  María is a fictitious name, she agreed to give her account on the condition that she retains her anonymity.  “I’m afraid for my family, which has already suffered a lot due to this problem,” she declared. The “problem” which María refers to is mineral mining.  “It all began when the [Canadian mining] company Pacific Rim entered the region, around 2006, and we began to reject their presence, because we realized the it was something harmful to the community”, she remembers. 

But the story begins years before and in another place in the same department of Cabañas, as explained by Francisco Pineda, resident of the municipality of San Isidro, Sensuntepeque, member of the Environmental Committee of Cabañas (CAC) and the National Round Table Against Mineral Mining, “On April 30th, 2004 the Viejo River dried up, [at the height of Cantón Llano de la Hacienda].  We discovered that the river above the Green Zone tourist center was collecting water.  Up further a water pump system owned by Pacific Rim was found, and it was taking water for mining exploration, because they use a lot of water to lubricate the pipes.”  At that time approximately 3,000 inhabitants of the municipality of San Isidro were affected. Due to the lack of attention by the ARENA mayor, Ignacio Bautista, the inhabitants arrived at the Attorney General of the Environment's office denouncing Pacific Rim and the first news appeared in the media. The water ran again through the Viejo River. 

Pacific Rim has a permit for exploration given by the then minister Yolanda Mayorga de Gaviria, during the Saca administration. For Luis López, lawyer for the National Round Table Against Mineral Mining, in the case of Trinidad, the population is evidently against the installation of the company in the region. “Simply put if the people do not want it, the company can not enter. And the people do not want it. “

The Economic Factor

López explains the particular interest of the Canadian company in this region: “Trinidad is literally a gold mine. According to the company's impact study, there are 118 grams of gold per ton of rock.  Two grams of gold per ton is worth extracting.”  Pacific Rim's official web page dedicated to El Salvador reports that “the gold deposits of El Dorado exist in veins whose total reserves (measured and indicated) are 1.1 million ounces of gold and 7.4 million ounces of silver”. Before the world financial disaster, an ounce of tray gold was worth less than $500, USA, now it costs $1135, with a tendency for upward acceleration.   

President Mauricio Funes assured on January 12 that his government will not support or authorize mining extraction projects in this country. Never the less, the affected inhabitants demand a clear and precise law that prohibits all mineral mining extraction in El Salvador from the authorities.  

In reality, for the Canadian company, the issue would not be more than an economic question and speculation.  Although gigantic by Salvadoran business standards, Pacific Rim is a relatively small company in the multinational mining sector and does not have sufficient capital to wait five or ten years until a government more favorable to international interests approves extraction. The Canadian company would sell those lands to an even stronger company, capable of waiting the necessary time in order to snatch up those riches.

The thing that would really affect its interests would be a law that would definitively impede such extraction. According to how the company’s legal representation explained themselves before the international arbitration tribunals, but over all, the pressure that it exercises in El Salvador is toward a population that is among the poorest in the country and that is subjected to constant promises of hundreds of jobs in the case of approval for extraction in El Dorado.

A divided society

Naturally, the opposition to mining in the region is not unanimous. Some sectors of the community have believed the arguments of the company.  The result has been the irreconcilable division of a society that, until the appearance of Pacific Rim, lived not only in peace but in harmony and friendship. Today, the clashes happen inside the same families.

Neftalí Ruiz, a young deacon of the Church of the Magnificent, gave testimony to that division.

He has visited the Trinidad since 2006, first as a reporter from Radio Victoria and afterwards in 2008 as a member of a religious order. “The community breathed an atmosphere of peace and harmony. People dialoged, we conversed with them until the mining company appeared and families began to divide themselves and until many much graver problems appeared.

The chain of crimes

The first death attributed to the mineral mining conflict was the disappearance and later murder of Professor Gustavo Marcelo Rivera in the municipality of San Isidro in June 2009. Rivera was a well known leader against mineral mining, a member of the departmental board of the FMLN in Cabañas and president of the local Casa de Cultura. He had had many run-ins with the mayor of San Isidro, Ignacio Bautista.

Marcelo disappeared on June 18 and his body was found on the 30th of the same month with obvious signs of torture in an abandoned well. The police report blamed the murder on gangs with the intention of robbery.  The contradictions in the investigation of the case appear evident. According to Francisco Pineda “The autopsy says that Marcelo died from a hammer blow to the head and the police claim that he died due to a gun shot to the head.  The autopsy also indicated that he had been dead for four days.”

In relation to this case, Luis López added facts, “On June 16, 2009 the FMLN presented a reform proposal of seven articles of a mining law for the prohibition of the extraction of mineral mining, especially gold and silver and the definitive closing of those mines that are in operation for a maximum period of 180 days. Two days after this piece, that directly affects mining extraction, was presented, Marcelo was kidnapped and murdered.”

As recounted by Francisco Pineda “On July 27 we received (Neftalí Ruiz, el Padre Luis Quintanilla (of Radio Victoria) and Pineda) a message which said if we did not keep our mouths shut, what happened to Marcelo would happen to us.”  December 20 four men armed with M-16 weapons ambushed Ramiro Rivera, member of the Committee of the Environmental Association of Cabañas in Defense of Water and Culture, 200 meters from his house in the community of Trinidad. Traveling together in the pick up with Ramiro were two neighbors, Felicita Echeverría who died in the attack and another youth who was wounded although her life was saved. In the truck's bed were two agents from the Division of Victim and Witness Protection of the National Civil Police. They were unharmed. Rivera was under constant police protection since suffering his first attack where he received eight shotgun wounds. In that attack he recognized one of his attackers as Óscar Menjívar, a local ARENA activist, friend of the mayor of Sensuntepeque, Jesús Edgar Bonilla and of other ARENA leaders of the region, as well as being a recognized promoter of the Pacific Rim Company.

Menjívar is the only one detained until now, not because to the murder charges but because of the first attack against Ramiro Rivera. He was also responsible for a machete attack against another environmental leader from Trinidad, Santos Rodríguez, who lost a finger and suffered various wounds in his right hand. Rodríguez was the victim of murder attempt on December 20, the same day that they murdered Ramiro Rivera. He now has police protection.

Six days after the murder of Ramiro, Dora Alicia Sorto, Santos Rodríguez's wife and member of CAC was murdered. She was 32 years old and 8 months pregnant. She was murdered by a man who was alone, a hit man who suddenly appeared from behind in the middle of a deserted paved street that she was climbing with her children toward her house. Her 2 year old son, whom she was carring in her arms, was wounded in the leg. Dora was murdered barely 200 meters from the police post.  According to statements from the neighbors, despite the recent murder of Rivera, the police did not appear to pay attention to the shots.

On January 12, 2010, president Mauricio Funes promised to investigate the crimes in Cabañas. “We promise the environmentalists that we are going to shed light on the human loss caused by to the environmental struggle,” he affirmed. Nevertheless, the investigations of the National Civil Police do not appear to bear fruit.  Nor have there been arrests due to the threats. Meanwhile the attorney general is being strongly criticized by his slowness in carrying forward the case.

There is talk of powerful economic sectors interested in mineral mining buying people off, as well as talk of political interests from the parties on the right, both in the municipalities in Cabañas as well as in the legislative assembly, being suspected of having links with narcotic traffickers, the military or paramilitary who could have participated directly in the murders. 

There are two other dark cases also waiting without resolution that are not necessarily related to mining:  That of the parents of the currently detained Óscar Menjívar. His father, Horacio, was murdered in his house in the community of Trinidad on April 9, 2009. His mother, Esperanza Velasco, died October 8 in the same place. Three people fired rifles at the woman and fled without a trace.           

It is essential that justice be done in all the murder cases related to the defense of the environment in Cabañas. Those who are the material and intellectual authors should be detained. On one side or the other, the community has placed blame for the murders but the other crime continues unpunished: the crime of mineral mining. As long as our country does not have legislation that that clearly prohibits this activity of contaminating and destroying communities, the social and ecological crimes will continue unpunished in El Salvador.


 

 

World Bank Flyer #5

El Salvador—Guns, Gold and Choice

El Salvador—Guns, Gold and Choice

In 2010 Prof. Richard Steiner, from the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and the Commission on Environmental Economic and Social Policy, visited El Salvador to investigate the actions of Canadian company Pacific Rim in the region of Cabañas.   His report El Salvador—Guns, Gold and Choice details the companies arrival in El Salvador, their law suit against the Salvadoran government for not granting them mining permits, and the response from civil society towards the mining project.  

For the full report visit here.  

World Bank Flier #4

What the 2012 Elections Mean for Mining in El Salvador

What the 2012 Elections Mean for Mining in El Salvador

March 2012

Changes to the political power dynamics of El Salvador, some surprising and some expected, after the March 12th elections for Representatives to the Legislative Assembly as well as for Mayors and Municipal Councils are going to have important effects on policy making for the next three years.

The FMLN lost three seats, after holding the most seats in the Legislative Assembly (but not enough for a simple majority), and will now have 31 representatives next term.  ARENA gained seats and now has the largest number of representatives (34) in the Assembly.  GANA, a right-wing party that split from ARENA in 2009, won 11 seats.  This was the party’s first time participating in an election process.  The CN (formerly PCN) won 6 seats, the PES (formerly PDC) 1, and the CD will have 1.  The Supreme Electoral Tribunal has posted the exact percentages and break-down on their website

Simply put, the struggle for anti-mining legislation continues. The FMLN is the only elected party that has publicly committed to approving an anti-mining ban, and now more than ever the decision whether or not to pass legislation to ban mining is falling on GANA’s shoulders.  GANA now has the exact number of votes to pass bills for ARENA or for the FMLN (assuming the CD votes with the FMLN).

While this was more or less the same division as the past term, GANA was less stable and not very centrally organized.  Traditionally in El Salvador, representatives always vote according to the orders given party leadership (unlike in the U.S. were Congresspeople can be persuaded to vote against their party).  However, GANA has had a fairly decentralized leadership strategy, where some candidates claimed to have the freedom to decide how they wanted to vote. Now that GANA has consolidated their power in the Legislative Assembly, it remains to be seen how they control voting in the party.  In the past, including during campaigning, individual GANA representatives have stated their support for a mining ban, and claimed they would vote in favor, even though GANA as a party had not given an official stance.  It is doubtful that those candidates will now be able to make such claims.

In terms of mayors, Jose Bautista continues as Mayor San Isidro, and ARENA remains in power in Ilobasco, Victoria, Sensuntepeque and the PCN won Guacotecti, which means there will be no significant changes to mining policies in those areas.  In Chalatenango, the FMLN maintained control of the majority of municipalities that would be affected by mining (Arctatao, Nueva Trinidad, San José Las Flores, and Nueva Concepción, although the latter was by less than 100 votes).  In La Unión, Santa Rosa de Lima (where the Commerce Group mine is located) was a very close race that ended favoring ARENA over the FMLN.  The rest of the results for the municipal elections are on the TSE website.

The National Roundtable against Mining (the Mesa in Spanish) has not had a chance to evaluate their campaign to pressure candidates yet.  However, what is clear after looking at the results is la lucha continua.

For more analysis in Spanish of the elections and what they mean in terms of mining click here. 

For more analysis in English on Counterpunch.org (referencing mining) click here.